The answer to all your questions lies here:
Ready for a surprise? Money DOES equal access in Washington
Joshua Kalla at Yale University and David Broockman at the University of California, Berkeley, are out today with the results of a novel field experiment that measured how campaign donations – even the prospect of them – alter the behavior of members of Congress and their staff.
To do so, they recruited the help of a real political group, the liberal organization CREDO Action, and embedded the experiment into a real lobbying effort during last summer’s August recess, when the group sought to secure co-sponsors for a chemical-banning bill.
Here’s how it worked: Last summer, a group of CREDO fellows e-mailed congressional offices seeking meetings to discuss the measure, sending one of two different form letters.
The first e-mail had the subject line: “Meeting with local campaign donors about cosponsoring bill.” The body of the e-mail said that about a dozen CREDO members “who are active political donors” were interested in meeting with the member of Congress in his or her home district to discuss the legislation.
The second e-mail stripped out the donor references and instead said “local constituents” were looking to meet the member of Congress.
In both cases, CREDO organizers noted that if a House member was not available, the group sought to meet with the most senior staffer available.
The e-mails went out to 191 members of Congress – all members of the same political party – who had not already co-sponsored the bill. (The study’s authors do not disclose which party the members represented, but it’s safe to assume they were Democrats, considering CREDO’s political orientation.) Each office was randomly assigned one of the two e-mails, with about two-thirds getting the request from constituents and one-third getting the request from donors.
It’s worth noting that all those who met with congressional offices were real CREDO members or political donors, none of whom knew they were part of an experiment.
The results: Only 2.4 percent of the offices made the member of Congress or chief of staff available when they believed those attending were just constituents, but 12.5 percent did when they were told the attendees were political donors.
Also, nearly one in five of the donor groups got access to a senior staffer, while just 5.5 percent of the constituent groups did. That means the donors had more than three times the access to top staffers than the constituents.